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A History of the Philippines pdf By Luis Francia 2022

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NO COUNTRY IS AN ISLAND, THOUGH THE COUNTRY THAT IS THE subject of this book A History of the Philippines pdf, claims as its territory more than 7,000 islands. On the eastern edge of insular Southeast Asia, these islands stretch for more than 1,150 miles, bookended in the north by Taiwan and in the south by Indonesia and Brunei.

The mighty Pacific Ocean interposes itself between the archipelago and North and South America on the other side of the globe, with Hawai’i at roughly midpoint. To the west the South China Sea links the Philippines to continental Southeast Asian countries, among them Vietnam, Malaysia, and Thailand.

As a republic, it is barely more than six decades old, gaining emancipation from U.S. colonial rule in 1946, less than a year after Japan surrendered and brought the Pacific War to a halt. From 1946 to 1950, even as the United States and the Soviet Union were defining the world through the prism of the Cold War and their competing ideologies, the colonial order in Asia was disintegrating.

India and Pakistan sprung into bloody being, twins separated at birth in 1947. Two years later, in 1949, the world took notice of yet another quarrelsome pair: Mao Tsetung and his Communist army, having defeated the Nationalists under Chiang Kai-shek, lay the foundation of the People’s Republic of China—and indirectly, of the Republic of China in Taiwan, Chiang having fled across the straits in defeat. At the end of the same year, the Dutch recognized Indonesia as a sovereign nation.

Gaining independence, while exhilarating, was no panacea for a Southeast Asian archipelago that had continuously been occupied by a foreign power since 1565.

Along with the metaphysical thrill, and challenge, of managing one’s own destiny, one still had to pay bills (as well as pass them). There were hungry mouths to feed, an economy and infrastructure to build and rebuild, and institutions of governance to be either revamped or set up.

The devastation wrought by World War II made recovery an excruciatingly difficult task. The fact that a triumphalist United States imposed certain inequitable conditions as a sine qua non of independence rendered establishing bona fide sovereignty an even harder challenge.

What the great Indonesian writer Pramoedya Ananta Toer, in his Child of All Nations, said bears repeating: “As to defining what is colonial, isn’t it just the conditions insisted upon by a victorious nation over the defeated nation so that the latter may give the victor sustenance—conditions that are made possible by the sharpness and might of weapons?

” Nevertheless, the Philippine republic could now choose its own path. The odyssey to that point had been long and hard and violent. Though founded in 1898, the republic had seen its flowering delayed because of two wars: the Spanish-American War, which the United States won handily; and the subsequent 1899 Philippine-American War, when the revolutionary government under General Emilio Aguinaldo refused to accept its role as booty for the Americans.

It was a brutal conflict that lasted a decade and resulted in U.S. occupation for half a century. And while 1946 signaled the birth of a nation, one of the first to take its place in the ranks of post-colonial states, the Philippines was indelibly marked by the DNA of colonialism.

How could it be otherwise?

Embedded and incarnated endlessly over the course of four hundred years, what and who had been strangers from foreign shores—to slightly alter Ronald Takaki’s memorable phrase—had metamorphosed into the familiar.

The country’s very name encapsulates its colonial history. The Anglicized “Philippines” or the Spanish “Filipinas” is forever a reminder that this Southeast Asian archipelago was so named in 1543 by Ruy López de Villalobos in honor of the sixteenth century Spanish crown prince who would in 1556 become King Felipe II.

There have been ill-fated attempts to toss out the Hispanic appellation and adopt a new one. The nineteenth-century revolutionary General Artemio Ricarte once proposed naming the country the Rizaline Islands, after its foremost national hero, José Rizal (with Filipinos henceforth to be known as Rizalinos).

In 1978, during martial law, Ferdinand Marcos half-heartedly tried through the Batasan Pambansa, or National Assembly, to rename the nation “Maharlika,” a Tagalog word meaning nobility—part of his skewed notion of aristocratic lineage and dressed-up history. (One foreign writer, eager to believe the exotic Orientalist bit fed to him by some clever jokers, wrote that it was a glorified term for the penis.) Neither name gained much traction; Filipinos of all ideological stripes, most of whom bore and continue to bear Hispanic names, were simply too used to the moniker to seriously consider changing it.

Besides, whether one acknowledged it or not, by overstaying its welcome, Spain provoked the formation of a nationalist consciousness. Just as the name New York recalls its partly English provenance (replacing the Dutch Nieuw Amsterdam), so too does Las Islas Filipinas reflect the partly Hispanic roots of Filipino nationhood. a history of the philippines pdf

This book A History of the Philippines pdf , is a modest endeavor to introduce the reader with little or no knowledge of this Southeast Asian country to the realities that have marked the journey of becoming Filipino, from pre-colonial times to the first decade of the second millennium. No attempt at a definitive history is being made here; a mission impossible, at any rate. And let me be the first to acknowledge that this is an incomplete history, as every history must be.

Significant new archaeological finds may and will probably be made; new interpretations will be offered, as well they should be. For what is past never stays put and lives on in us; it is, according to the late Filipino historian Renato Constantino, a “continuing past,” illuminating the present just as surely as light from a distant star.

Nevertheless I believe that this book a history of the philippines pdf summarizes clearly and concisely the different forces that have, for better or worse, transformed an archipelago into a republic, and imparted to its inhabitants a notion, however imperfect, of a nation.

Who were the Indios Bravos? Brilliant nineteenth-century polymath, doctor, bon vivant, and writer José Rizal and his friends gave themselves the name, half in jest and half in all seriousness, after having watched a Wild West show in Paris in 1889.

Indio, of course, was the disparaging term the Spanish used for the indigenous populations in their colonies. Rizal and these other expatriate ilustrados, or the enlightened ones, as they were referred to, admired both the excellent horsemanship and the dignity of the Native American performers—and recognized in them kindred spirits.

They were indeed brave Indians, their peculiar status in the world mirroring somewhat that of the Filipinos themselves, who were highly critical of the Spanish colonial regime in Manila and who in Madrid and Barcelona advocated far-reaching reforms at the same time that they professed loyalty to Mother Spain. By appropriating the term meant to put them in their place, Los Indios Bravos were signaling the Spanish their intent to take charge of their own destiny.

It was a highly symbolic act, representing a paradigmatic shift in the burgeoning nationalist consciousness.

In addition, the term resonates for me, personally. I first heard the term when I barely had any inkling of the richness, complexity, and contradictions of the history behind it. Los Indios Bravos was a café my late oldest brother Henry and sister-in-law Beatriz Romualdez, along with some writer friends, opened in the 1960s in the then-genteel district of Malate, once a suburb of old Manila.

The café interior was a conscious effort to re-create a proper nineteenth-century literary salon, or tertulia, though this being the 1960s, the zeitgeist could hardly be called genteel. Café Los Indios Bravos was filled with bohemians; argumentative students, myself included, flush with radical ideas if not with cash, aiming to remake the world, or simply being on the make; writers of every stripe; dowagers hoping for a Roman spring; American and European expatriates; and fashionistas.

We all trooped to Los Indios Bravos; in a sense we were Indios Bravos ourselves, not just intensely aware of but embodying the legacies of the Spanish and the North Americans, in our lives and ways of thinking, even in our blood—to be wrestled with, confronted, transformed, but not eliminated.

Only the besotted romantic could ever believe that the imprint of four centuries of foreign presence could be cleansed by the waters of some imaginary pre-colonial river Jordan. For better or worse, the adaptability of the modern Filipino can be traced to the age-old commingling of the foreign and the familiar, resulting in a decidedly mestizo culture.

As did Andrés Bonifacio, Macario Sakay, and other working-class stalwarts of the 1896 Revolution against Spain (who wrestled with the same issues as the ilustrados but with a pronounced urgency given that they were in a more precarious position physically, socially, and financially), Rizal and his peers foreshadowed the existential dilemma of the contemporary Filipino/a who must grapple with divided loyalties and with a central government, no longer Spanish (nor American) but made up of fellow citizens, whose policies and actuations are often at odds with the well-being of the electorate.

In a very basic sense, these islanders who dared to cast themselves as separate from Spain also viewed themselves as bound together not simply by their opposition to colonial rule but by their affinities for one another, artificial as these affinities might have seemed. They may not necessarily have expressed themselves in this manner but their approach to history was, I believe, as an inventive but necessary fiction.

Those who have assailed and continue to assail the concept of a collective identity based on a construct cobbled together from myriad loyalties, languages, and geographic boundaries are right to do so. Yet their very insistence only proves that veracity can be crippling and lead paradoxically to an intellectual and spiritual cul de sac. Even when regimented by logic, facts sans imagination remain limp and bloodless.

But the idea of a nation can inspirit dry facts by creating space for a transcendent imagination. And what is colonialism finally but the denial of space—geographic, political, and psychological—for the collective imagination of a people?

The gap between the colonial governors—the target of reformist zeal and revolutionary ire—and the governed, objects of colonial desire, still exists, still yawns dangerously. Spanish rule served as the centripetal force that yoked together three clusters of islands: Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. Without it, these islands may have gone their separate ways as independent states or been subsumed in part or in toto by a neighboring nation such as Indonesia or Malaysia.

Colonialism then, in its various facets, its effects and aftereffects, including indigenous resistance, is the book’s main focus. Even the condition of the Muslim, the Moro or Moor, a reluctant, some would say second-class, member of the Philippine polity, has been shaped almost as much by colonialism’s permanent legacy as by Islam:

the Christianization of the islands, coming some seventy odd years after Ferdinand and Isabella, Los Reyes Catolicos, had in 1492 reclaimed Granada and finally driven out the Moors from Al-Andalus, the urbane and tolerant (more so than the Catholic monarchs) kingdom that ruled the southern part of the Iberian peninsula for seven hundred years.

The reunification of the different Spanish kingdoms unforgivingly cast the Moor as the unassimilable Other. And so was he assigned that role in Spain’s only Asian colony, particularly in Mindanao. While church and state are formally separate in today’s republic, the reality is that the former still wields considerable power not too far off from the dominant role it once exercised for more than three centuries in the islands, Catholic crucifixes in a mostly minareted sea.

So intertwined with the state was the Spanish colonial church that the late Filipino diplomat-cum-writer León María Guerrero—a modern-day ilustrado himself—could open The First Filipino, his 1961 biography of Rizal, with a somewhat exaggerated but fairly accurate summation: “The Spanish history of the Philippines begins and ends with the friar.

” Out of the five centuries the book spans, from the sixteenth to the first decade of the twenty-first century, nearly four hundred years saw three foreign powers separately at the helm: Spain, the United States, and Japan (this last for barely more than three years).

For all the cultural, racial, and political differences among the three, they exhibited the same attitude towards the indigenous population: couched in official rhetoric, the natives were to be saved from themselves—whether through Spanish Catholicism or U.S. democracy or Japanese ascetism; unofficially, the Indios constituted a resource to be cultivated, exploited, made use of, particularly in the extraction of bounty from islands rich in natural resources.

The Indios who were to be “bettered” didn’t exactly roll over and play along. They resisted individually or collectively. They moved out of population centers into the thickly forested interior, or to the mountains. They often took up arms against their would-be exploiters. Until the 1896 Revolution, however, rebellions were local and easily quelled, with some notable exceptions.

On the other hand, one of the characteristics of any colonial occupation has been the collaboration of certain of the colonized with the colonizer, positing themselves as mediators. They almost always came from the chiefly class. Their role, after all, was to deal with outside forces—a role that often turned out to be materially rewarding and thus prone to corruption.

One reason, perhaps, that the contemporary body politic survives and even flourishes, in spite of the many shortcomings of the state, is that its members have become so habituated over the centuries of dealing with governments they couldn’t quite trust, that they have come to rely on informal networks, on their respective clans and local patronage, rather than on public institutions.

There has always been a tradeoff between the national leadership, whether colonial or post[1]colonial, and local leaders, with the latter acting as go-betweens between the former and their own constituents.

The blessings of the state, thus, have almost always flowed down through the calculated beneficence of individual but powerful clan leaders, going back all the way to when the datus or chiefs ruled over the barangay, the pre-Hispanic foundational social and political unit whose borders were coterminous with that of the clan. With its roots therefore in pre[1]colonial times, the political sphere has almost always been overwhelmed by the personal.

Aside from the first chapter of this book a history of the philippines pdf , which looks at what life in the pre-Hispanic archipelago may have been like, the initial half of this book a history of the philippines pdf deals with both the formal Spanish and U.S. colonial periods, including the World War II occupation by the Japanese Imperial Army.

The other half examines a post World War II, post-colonial Philippines, ending in 2009, with national elections slated to take place in May of 2010.

My intent was to construct a historical narrative that would be more than just a notation of events, signal dates, and relevant personages; that would serve as a useful guide in understanding what it is we see when we cast our eyes on that uniquely situated and multifaceted republic and simultaneously push against what surrounds the Filipino in the diaspora: the anonymity and oblivion against which there is, as Kierkegaard wrote, “no weapon so dangerous as the art of remembering.

” To all those for whom remembering remains a vital, even courageous, act, I offer A History of the Philippines pdf From Indios Bravos to Filipinos

A History of the Philippines pdf From Indios Bravos to Filipinos cover :

a history of the philippines pdf

a history of the philippines luis francia
a history of the philippinesluis francia

Contents A History of the Philippines Luis Francia From Indios Bravos to Filipinos :

Introduction of a history of the philippines pdf

  •  1: The Islands Before the Cross, Pre-1521
  •  2: Expeditions, Entrenchment, and Spanish Colonial Rule, 1521-1862
  •  3: From Indio to Filipino: Emergence of a Nation, 1862-1898
  •  4: Americanization and Its Discontents, 1899-1946
  •  5: The Republic: Perils of Independence, 1946-1972
  •  6: The Republic: The Strongman and the Housewife, 1972-1992
  •  7: Quo Vadis, Philippines Afterword References Glossary Index

More picture from book A History of the Philippines pdf by Luis Francia

 A History of the Philippines Luis Francia
A History of the Philippines pdf
A History of the Philippines Luis Francia
A History of the PhilippinesLuis Francia
A History of the Philippines pdf
A History of the Philippines pdf
A History of the Philippines pdf

A History of the Philippines From Indios Bravos to Filipinos informations

Book Title: A History of the Philippines From Indios Bravos to Filipinos informations
Author: Luis Francia
Category: HISTORY
Language: English
Pages: 358 Pages

Aftre reading this book: a history of the philippines pdf, you can check also: Assessing Leadership Style Trait Analysis pdf.

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